Instead of brushing aside the suggestion, as is the standard response of the party when confronted with something new, UMNO leaders should reflect and try to understand what Tengku Rithauddeen was trying to tell them. The Tengku was exasperated with the extent of corruption permeating the party at all levels. He was saying that the Disciplinary Tribunal alone could no longer cope with the practice and culture of corruption within the organization.
As a loyal party man he was trying to politely tell UMNO leaders that it could no longer be salvaged under the
Tunku naquiyuddin wife sexual dysfunction structure, and under the present crop of leaders, I might add.
What makes it difficult for the Tribunal to effectively carry out its functions is the selective prosecution it must practice in the discharge of its duties. Actions can only be taken if required or useful to certain top leaders. When I was suspended for allegedly being involved in money politics, I knew that Tengku Rithauddeen, although Chairman, was not involved in the decision. Someone else in the management wanted me out. In essence, UMNO member will be subject to investigation and harassment if he does not belong to the right camp.
Many others will escape with impunity and they can bribe the delegates as much as want and not get the attention of the Tribunal.
Even the Tengku now
Tunku naquiyuddin wife sexual dysfunction the futility of having the Disciplinary Tribunal deal with corrupt practice. I therefore urge him to retire or resign from the Tribunal.
UMNO leaders who are critical of the Tengku should also be mindful that they are not supposed to criticize him or the Tribunal. Consider what happened to me for criticizing the Tribunal and for not wanting to apologize when asked. One would expect the same fate would fall on Dato Najib and his friends in the Supreme Council if they were to criticize the Disciplinary Tribunal or its Chairman.
That of course is wishful thinking, as in UMNO, the rules apply only to some but not others. Chapter 13 Deteriorating Institutions. Corruption can never be completely eradicated, as greed and dishonesty are basic human traits. However, unless there is a strong commitment not to tolerate it, corruption will by default becomes acceptable, which is the same thing as encouraging it. In combating corruption, it is crucial to send a strong signal from the very top.
The remarkable success of Singapore in tackling corruption was precisely this. Its leaders took bold and highly visible steps early on; with that, the gravity of the message sunk through very quickly. While closing down bad institutions would quickly send out a strong and effective message, it would penalize the few workers who are honest and diligent. This could be remedied by redeploying them, assuming you know who they are. As effective and radical as that method is, there is the added risk that powerful constituents and beneficiaries of those agencies would protest, as demonstrated by the Indonesian experience.
If their supporters are strong or big enough, they could cripple or bring down the government, and you could end up with a worse situation. The trick would be to pick the institutions that are so blatantly corrupt such that the public is totally disgusted with, or one that does not have a powerful constituency.
Shut them down and contract their services out. The public would applaud the ensuing crispness and efficiency in service. There are two possible avenues of actions: The Prime Minister could take executive action by outright firing, demanding the resignation, or not appointing or reappointing ministers and other top appointees who have the slightest hint of impropriety.
The threshold is necessarily low and arbitrary; whatever the Prime Minister decides. He sets the standards. Innocent till proven guilty Tunku naquiyuddin wife sexual dysfunction fine in a criminal court, but not in positions demanding high public trust and integrity. The other is through aggressive criminal prosecution.
Here the burden of proof is rightly high. There should not be malicious or politically motivated prosecutions, that would be worse. Prosecutorial zeal and misconduct can come in Tunku naquiyuddin wife sexual dysfunction guises, most often in pursuit of fame, political ambition, or Tunku naquiyuddin wife sexual dysfunction corruption itself.
However, if a prosecutor were to leverage his successful litigation career into something political, that is his right.
Prosecutors should not be hamstrung by political considerations; this danger exists where the Anti Corruption Agency is not independent. Nor should the ACA wait for an ironclad case before proceeding. Sometimes just disclosing the evidence in open court even if that does not result in conviction would serve a wider useful public purpose.
The corrupt would not willingly part with their ill-gotten gains by hiring "Tunku naquiyuddin wife sexual dysfunction" best legal talent. That is their right, and should be zealously protected. There is no place for kangaroo courts; substituting one corrupt system for another is not the answer. Nor do I believe that corruption is a capital offense. Abdullah had two rare opportunities early in his tenure to demonstrate his resolve in fighting corruption, and he squandered both.
The first involved Kasitah Gaddam, a low-level cabinet minister charged with corruption; his trial is still pending. Abdullah should
Tunku naquiyuddin wife sexual dysfunction publicly demanded their resignations; instead he let them dangle in the breeze. They eventually resigned voluntarily, more in response to widespread public disgust. Abdullah missed a rare and splendid opportunity to send an important message.
Worse, it appeared that he condoned such gross lapses of corrupt behaviors. Reform is like sex; merely talking about it is not enough, for without the necessary accompanying actions it will only increase your frustration. He has to demonstrate it through his actions; anything less and he risks frustrating voters and replicating the electoral disasters of Permatang Pauh and Kuala Trengganu nationally.
Second, Najib must display a sense of enlightened leadership. With the nation facing many critical crises, he should focus on more substantive matters.
Last, Najib must demonstrate Tunku naquiyuddin wife sexual dysfunction he has the personal qualities and moral integrity to lead the nation. Merely denying that he had nothing to do with Saiful Bukhari, that college dropout who alleged that he had been sodomized by the opposition leader, or that Najib knew nothing of Tunku naquiyuddin wife sexual dysfunction brutal murder of that Mongolian model Altantuya and the attendant involvement of his hitherto closest advisor Razak Baginda, is not enough.
The public deserves better; we demand a more thorough accounting. Until then, any utterance by Najib Razak about reforming UMNO will ring hollow; do not frustrate voters by unnecessarily raising their expectations.
Where the process is open and transparent, being unopposed signifies unanimous approval. The process is hollow and meaningless. The current nominating process is designed specifically to discourage or more correctly, prevent challengers.
It is not a genuine contest. That is an unnecessary barrier, meant not to get the best talent but to protect the incumbent. This requirement was put in place only 20 years ago, following the bitter and divisive Mahathir-Tengku Razaleigh rivalry.
If the Council were to vote for it, then the party would benefit by opening up the process and the delegates getting to preview many more potential candidates.
You could influence them only with your ideas and talent, as it should be. Removing the quota would of course invite challengers to Najib. Tengku Razaleigh would definitely be one; there may be others.
There would also be additional candidates for all the other positions. That would effectively shut up his many critics.
Of course Najib could lose, and with that, his political career. That may explain his reluctance to tamper with the current quota rules which work in his favor.
Even if Najib were to prevail in an open contest, he still needs to articulate his vision for the future of our nation. The prevailing perception is that Najib owes his current position merely by being the son of a famous father. Additionally his career, while long, is very narrow; he spent his entire adult life in government, getting his paycheck from taxpayers. His tenure as Defense Minister was marked by the collapse of Pularek Naval Base just before its official opening, the gross breach of security by the Al Muanah gang at the Grik Army base in Perak, and the now evolving scandal with the French submarine purchase.
As for his legacy as Education Minister, good luck in discerning that. Now as Finance Minister, he remains disturbingly quiet; he has nothing to offer on how to solve the grave economic challenges facing us except to issue bland, meaningless "Tunku naquiyuddin wife sexual dysfunction." In contrast, Tengku Razaleigh bravely outlined his views of the current economic crisis and his bold strategies to deal with it.
Compared to the towering leadership of the Tengku, Najib looks like a novice Boy Scout troop leader constantly looking to his manual on how to lead.
Lastly, Najib must clarify the Tunku naquiyuddin wife sexual dysfunction sordid allegations and rumors implicating him. Bland denials alone are not enough. The most damaging, and which requires the most detailed explanation, is his role in if any or knowledge Tunku naquiyuddin wife sexual dysfunction the murder of the Mongolian model and the involvement of his confidant Razak Baginda.
That Razak Baginda was acquitted does not clear the matter. The accusations leveled at Najib are too specific and detailed including specific SMS texts and cell phone numbers that they demand a more complete explanation from him. Hiding behind client-attorney privilege as Najib did in trying to dismiss the many SMS between him and Shafie Abdullah, the attorney who was at the time representing Razak Baginda, is inappropriate.
Those details of the Altantuya murder, as well as the sordid mess of the Saiful Bukhari sodomy allegation, will eventually be revealed bit by bit in their respective criminal trials. A full disclosure now by Najib would help preempt the inevitable excruciating and embarrassing details. However, the next General Elections will be less than 48 months away after he becomes Prime Minister.
If not addressed frontally and openly now, these questions about his ability, integrity and legitimacy would only get worse. That would be quite a legacy for the son of a great patriot. Where in the world can we find legislators who are also CEOs of major corporations or lawyers with active practice?